Machine nahi Insane hoon main
Mitti Nahi deewar hoon main
Ghullam Nahi Sarkar hoon main
Aawaz nahi Alfaz hoon main
Ahsas nahi aik Dard hoon main
Nizam ka Khalifa aik takaat hoon main
Mazdoor hoon main
Mazdoor hoon main
Sooch March 2, 2008
Sooch Hay eik khaloona,
Jis kay saath sarkar nay khala,
Khabroon ko Hatria Banakay,
Surkihoon ko choopia,
Aur Mazhab Ko Mazaqah Banakay
Mullahon ko Marwaiaa,
Mazaqah March 2, 2008
Mazaqh hay ya Duniya, JAHA sooch pay tallay hain,
Mazaqh Hay ya Duniya Jahan tera bhai shatan hain,
Mazaqh
Mazaqh hay ya Duniya Jahan Jism bikta hain,
Mazaqh hay ya Duniya Jahan pasay ka Bol bala hain,
Mazaqh
Mazaqh hay ya Duniya Jahan Sharab eik nasha hay,
Mazaqh hay ya Duniya jahan Dard eik Mazaqh hay,
Mazaqh hay, Mazaqh Hay aur Mari SOOCH tumharay pass Hain
Mazaqh hay ya Duniya Jahan Pyar ki koi kimat nahi,
Mazaqh hay ya Duniya jahan pyar eik Dhoka hay,
Mazaqh
Mazaqh hay ya Duniya Jahan Sarhadoo ki koi Ahmiat nahi,
Mazaqh hay ya Duniya Jahan Mazhab ki koi pachan nahi,
Mazaqh
Mazaqh hay ya Duniya Jahan tera Bhai FAkhir Hay,
Mazaqh Hay ya Duniya Jahan tu us pay Hasta hay,
Mazaqh
Mazaqh Hay ya Duniya Jahan Tulba aik Machine Hay,
Mazaqh Hay ya Duniya Jahan Machine aik Insan Hay,
Mazaqh Hay Mazqh Hay aur hum us kay Gulam hain
Mazaqh aik thakat hai, jo ham ko Baybas kar kay chor gaya
Mazakh ail mazakh hai jo soch Hum say cheen Gaya
Mazaqh
Politicians Versus Establishment March 2, 2008
By Husain Haqqani
The aftermath of Pakistan’s February 18 parliamentary election has created hope of ending Pakistan’s political dysfunction. The voters overwhelmingly rejected supporters of General (retired) Pervez Musharraf at the polls and the leaders of the country’s major political parties have agreed to work together to build a democratic political order. Pakistan’s politicians have clearly scored a major victory against what is euphemistically called “the establishment” in Pakistan. But the battle between “the establishment” and the politicians is far from over.
Musharraf has yet to understand that his rejection by the people requires him either to step down or, at least, accept a diminution of his role. Soon after Election Day, he extended the tenure of the head of the Intelligence Bureau, a man accused by the late Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto of possibly plotting to kill her. It is as if Musharraf sees the election results as comparable to the victory of the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) in the 1988 polls held immediately after the death of General Ziaul Haq. Then, Ziaul Haq’s successor Ghulam Ishaq Khan retained considerable influence as President even after Ms Bhutto became prime minister and eventually used Zia’s constitutional amendments to overthrow the elected government. But in 1988, Pakistan’s establishment had not been as thoroughly discredited as it is now.
President Ghulam Ishaq Khan benefited from being different from Ziaul Haq, the hated dictator. The army remained politically engaged, the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) had little experience of the establishment’s maneuvers and the pro-Zia politicians retained considerable political strength. This time, the country’s major political parties have agreed on a common minimum platform that aims at restoring the Pakistani constitution, rehabilitating its judiciary and moving towards national reconciliation. The army appears to have decided to pull out of politics. The nation and the international community have little stomach for covert political manipulation at a time when Pakistan faces a serious threat from terrorists. If Musharraf is hoping to undermine the new political order with the help of the IB just as the establishment had chipped away at the politicians’ popularity in the 1990s, he should definitely think twice before dashing the nation’s hopes.
That said, “the establishment,” made up of politicized generals, intelligence officials, and Pakistan’s managerial class –bankers, civil servants, some overseas businessmen, World Bank beneficiaries and former or current IMF employees –will not give up easily.
Soon there will be rumors of corruption and mismanagement to discredit the elected leadership and a concerted effort to create rifts among them. So far PPP Co-Chairman Asif Ali Zardari and the PML-N leader Nawaz Sharif have shown that the politicians have learnt from the experience of the 1990s. Mr. Zardari, in particular, has emerged as a statesman in contrast with the demonization to which he was subjected for being married to Mohtarma Bhutto, Pakistan’s most popular anti-establishment politician.
It would be poetic justice indeed if the man most vilified over the years by “the establishment” is the one who leads Pakistan’s political forces to success against manipulated governance. The military-led establishment has dominated Pakistan’s politics for most of its sixty-year existence as an independent country. In the past, coup-making generals, like Musharraf, have taken advantage of differences among politicians instead of allowing politicians with popular support to negotiate compromises and run the country according to its constitution. The priority of Pakistan’s establishment has been to create a centralized state, focused on the perceived threat from India with the help of the United States. American assistance is obtained by allying with Washington’s strategic concern of the day, which in turn has led to over-engagement by the military on several fronts.
Many of Pakistan’s problems, such as the influence of Jihadi extremists and difficult relations with Afghanistan and India can be traced to the ascendancy of strategic military doctrine at the expense of domestic stability and democratic decision-making. All that could now change if the army stays its new course of disengagement from politics and the politicians can work together rather than against each other.
A future government of national unity led by elected politicians should try and end the political role of intelligence services. For too long, an all powerful intelligence community has run -and most observers would agree, ruined -Pakistan by fixing elections, dividing parties and buying off politicians. If the politicians prevail, the war against terrorism would be fought to eliminate out of control Jihadi groups previously nurtured or tolerated by the Pakistani State, not to secure additional funding from the United States. An elected Pakistani government might be less amendable, say, to requests for rendition of Pakistani citizens. But it would almost certainly be interested in rooting out Al-Qaeda and stopping cross-border Taliban terrorism in Afghanistan. The civilians would also seek a clearer strategy against militant Talibanization within Pakistan, particularly because they have a clear popular mandate in the form of electoral rejection of Islamists.
The PPP leadership and the PML-N also seem to agree on normalization of relations with India and this time there is little likelihood that any side would paint the other as being “soft” on India. After initial confrontation, even Musharraf has come around to managing a relatively quiet relationship with Pakistan’s larger South Asian neighbor making it difficult for the establishment to play the India card to discredit popular politicians. During the run up to the recent elections, none of the major political parties highlighted Pakistan’s dispute with India over Kashmir. That raises expectations of a political consensus on developing normal relations with India without insisting on prior resolution of the Kashmir issue. In the past, any politician seeking friendly ties with India has faced criticism from rivals, prodded by the establishment, seeking to tap into anti-India sentiment within Pakistan.
The need of the hour in Pakistan is a “grand national compromise” that brings to an end the vilification and demonization of some politicians, restores the military’s prestige and ends its political role, limits the intelligence agencies to external security functions and results in a government that unites the Pakistani nation against terrorism and disintegration. Pakistan’s foreign policy also needs to be re-oriented towards friendlier relations with Pakistan’s immediate neighbors instead of being centered merely on scoring points in distant major world capitals. For this to happen, politicians and the permanent state apparatus must become partners, bringing to an end the subordinate relationship that Musharraf had created with handpicked politicians.
If the anti-Musharraf parties can work together, and the army’s neutrality keeps Musharraf from rocking the boat by undermining the system again, Pakistan could now be run according to its constitution. An independent judiciary and a free media would then become the guardians against abuse of power by elected officials. Corruption would probably continue as it has for years but it would be dealt with by the courts and the voters, not by coups d’etat or allegations spread by intelligence agencies. Musharraf has a few days to decide whether he wants to become part of this Grand National Compromise that limits, if not immediately ends, the establishment’s disastrous dominance over Pakistan’s political life.
Husain Haqqani, Director of Boston University’s Center for International Relations, is Co-Chair of the Hudson Institute’s Project on Islam and Democracy. He is the author of the Carnegie Endowment book ‘Pakistan Between Mosque and Military’ (2005) and served as an adviser to former prime ministers, Nawaz Sharif and Benazir Bhutto.
Hard Kaur-Supawomen March 2, 2008
As the UK’s first Asian female rap artist, Hard Kaur has been waxing lyrical for over a decade. Part of the British Asian music scene since 1995, the Birmingham-based lass has performed alone and alongside desi collectives, such as The Sona Family. So it’s astonishing that Supawoman should be her debut solo album. Thankfully the situation has been rectified with this bumper 15-track CD, which includes the hit singles Bombay Deewana and Look 4 Me. Every bit as feisty as the lady herself, Supawoman is an energetic offering from a gifted singer/songwriter.
Kicking off in true hip hop style, Hard Kaur introduces herself in The Legend. ”Welcome to a new place… understand, I am revolution” she spits confidently. And you believe her. There are no ordinary girlie songs about love here. It’s all about female empowerment and the freedom of music.
Heading into Hype, the Handsworth rude girl sets the tone for the rest of the album. Rapid-fire lyrics overlay heavy bass lines to create one of several tracks that would sound at home in any mainstream club, radio or satellite music channel.
Skilfully mixing English, Punjabi and Hindi lyrics, Sexy Boy and Bombay Deewana show off Hard Kaur’s verbal dexterity and are the album’s best tracks. They also illustrate her knack at fusing contemporary and retro Indian sounds. A sample of Hum Tum Ek Kamare Mein Band Ho from hit ’70s Bollywood movie, Bobby, lights up Sexy Boy, while the cheesy sounds of Indo-pop infiltrate Bombay Deewana to great effect. Both tracks are guaranteed to have booties shaking, whether in Manchester or Mumbai.
”I put my heart in my music and never abuse it” says Hard Kaur at the beginning, and this is reflected all the way through, particularly in songs like Dreams and Nobody Knows. They demonstrate the personal journey she has taken since arriving in England in1984. ”I went from freshie to freshest” she states, and when it comes to Supawoman, that is never in doubt.
Gillani emerges frontrunner for PM slot March 2, 2008
ISLAMABAD: With ominous signs that the next PPP prime minister would not be from Sindh, former Speaker Yousuf Raza Gillani has emerged as the main frontrunner, with Shah Mehmud Qureshi and Ahmed Mukhtar of Gujrat also in the run.
PPP sources, however, say Gillani, a senior PPP Vice Chairman who was kept in jail for many years on frivolous charges, is the choice of Asif Zardari. Interestingly, at an off-the-record briefing for Islamabad journalists on Friday night, Gillani was the only candidate present.
PPP sources say Asif Ali Zardari himself is very firm on not contesting the PM election and wants to stay as the ‘kingmaker” in the Sonia Gandhi model, keeping the government of national consensus together.
Makhdoom Amin Fahim appears to have run into some problems because of his reported meetings with some important people in Islamabad without the knowledge of Zardari. He is said to have informed the Co-chairman about the meetings afterwards.
About Zardari contesting the by-elections, PPP spokesman Farhatullah Babar said at this point of time Asif had not yet shown any such intention; rather, has been saying in his interviews that he would not be contesting the elections soon.
When Babar was told that a party source had told this correspondent that he intended to contest the by-elections, he said, “I can’t say.” Though many Pakistan People’s Party leaders do not believe that there would be any other choice for the office of the prime minister but Makhdoom Amin Fahim, some party insiders told this correspondent that no matter who among the top runners was picked up for the top government slot, it would remain an interim arrangement.
Zardari, they said, would contest the by-election for the National Assembly from Larkana NA-207, the constituency where slain Benazir Bhutto was contesting for the February 18 polls at the time of her assassination. However, because of her murder on December 27, the election in that constituency was postponed.
Although, Amin Fahim was in the run until recently, Yousuf Raza Gillani and Shah Mehmud Qureshi are considered as the frontrunners. On the third day of her assassination when the party’s central executive committee nominated Bilawal Bhutto Zardari as the party’s chairman, Zardari had announced that Amin Fahim would be the party’s candidate for the prime ministership whereas he himself would like to run the party affairs while sitting outside the government.
He had also stated that Benazir wanted him to stay out of politics and that was the very reason that he did not participate in the elections. Later, not only a foreign newspaper quoted him as saying that he was the most suitable person in the party to become the party’s candidate for the prime minister but his close confidant Babar Awan also publicly named him as the candidate of the party for the office of the country’s chief executive.
“There is no one single personality [in the party], apart from me who anybody even knows. No one else has a consensus. The fact of the matter is that there’s nobody in the party with my seniority who’s been to prison for 11 years,” Zardari said in his interview to the American weekly, Newsweek.
Zardari later said about his remarks that he was misquoted. Regarding Awan’s statement, the PPP came up with the explanation that it was Awan’s personal view and not that of the party. Awan’s closeness to Zardari is, however, a conspicuous fact.
Though generally the party leaders say the PPP central executive committee would decide as to who would become the prime minister, sources close to Zardari said he had taken a decision to the effect.
Sherry Rehman, the party’s information secretary, said in Geo’s Capital Talk on Friday that the PPP had not yet decided as to who would be its candidate for the prime ministership. She said Amin Fahim had not been named as the party’s candidate, and added that the prime minister’s candidate could be picked up from the Punjab.
She also referred to some reports quoting Amin Fahim as saying that he was the candidate for the lucrative post. She is considered Zardari’s close aide and is reportedly aspiring for the foreign ministry.
Some old hands in the party, however, are of the view that if the CEC is to really decide the PPP’s nominee for the premiership, Amin Fahim would be the only consensus candidate. These leaders apprehend that the party would possibly split if Zardari himself became the prime minister but denied the slot to Amin Fahim.
Ahmad Mukhtar, whose name was also discussed a few days back amongst the top runners, on Friday said the party would decide as to who would become the prime minister. He confirmed that his name was being discussed though neither he nor any of his party colleagues had applied for the slot.
Rohail Hyatt March 2, 2008
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| His biggest magnum opus yet has yet to go on air but since Instep saw Coke Studio being shot, we unanimously decided to make Rohail Hyatt the hotstepper of the week. What we witnessed there has been amazing. A live sound. A mix of pop, rock, classical and folk elements of our incredibly diverse musical culture. So when the project eventually airs, got Rahat Fateh Ali Khan performing with Ali Azmat, the Strings performing with Ustad Hussain Baksh Gullo and Ali Zafar singing ‘Allah Hoo’ with Tufail.
And Rohail got the most incredible team of core musicians. He got the best drummer in the country Gumby, the best electronic synthesizer/ keyboard player/ turntable master Zeeshan Parwez (Sajid and Zeeshan) and he got Omran Shafique (Mauj) for guitars and Mannu for bass. Mannu is playing on Ali Azmat’s next record, Klashnifolk. |
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| For extra flavour there is multi-percussionist Shezi who also includes the brilliant sound of chimes to set the ambience and Babar Khanna on dholak and matkas for the Strings. Rahat Ali, who is Shaukat Ali’s nephew and has a keen understanding of music is helping Rohail out too. He is responsible for roping in the lewa musicians for Lyari. These are Abdul Lateef and the Baloch boys as we like to call them and as the days went by at Coke Studio they got their groove on. |
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| And while, most of these names may not strike you as familiar celebrities, they are the reason why Coke Studio is so different. It is a coming together of minds and genres of music to create a sound the like of which we haven’t really heard before. What this process is also doing is that it is kickstarting is a dialogue between musicians. While Abdul Lateef is seeing where it’s at in the tech savvy pop world of the country, Omran Shafique can see what the folk sound can for pop music. This melding of traditions as it were is a scintillating process to witness and indeed projects like these are what is needed for Pakistan to perfect live sound.
And Rohail is our hotstepper of the week for having envisioned it, getting everyone on to one platform and letting the band play on! |
Now Katrina is Saif’s ‘Sexy Lady’ March 2, 2008
Race, one of the hottest films this season, is around three weeks away from its release. Still, it’s producers TIPS and composer Pritam are leaving no stones unturned to ensure that the film not just stays in news but also take one of the biggest ever openings at the Box Office.
To keep the film hot in circulation and add on to the immense hype that this action/thriller has been generating, the makers have decided to add on a new song in Race. The song is special since it features Saif Ali Khan and now hot-n-happening Katrina Kaif who was the only leading lady to have enjoyed a cent percent record last year (Namastey London, Apne, Partner and Welcome). Moreover, the title of the song is nothing less than inviting as it reads – ‘Sexy Lady‘.
As per the film’s producer Ramesh Taurani (of TIPS), the song was added as it was found to be a good replacement for ‘Mujhpe To Jaado‘ which was yet to be shot. “We are thrilled with the great response to the title song ‘Race Sanson Ki’, ‘Pehli Nazar Mein‘ and ‘Zara Zara Touch Me‘. We wanted to keep the momentum going. When Pritam made us hear the tune of ‘Sexy Lady‘, we knew that this was the song for the film,” confirms Ramesh Taurani.
Adds Pritam, “‘Mujhpe To Jadoo‘ was anyways waiting to be picturized. Since Abbas-Mustan also felt that ‘Sexy Lady‘ could be a good replacement, everyone was in consensus with the decision.
Says a confident Taurani, “We are quite happy with the way Race is leading up to it’s March 21 release. The songs are doing quite well and are leading the charts all over. We would begin unleashing the talkie promos early March. They would be a mix of action and drama which forms the USP of the film.”
Meanwhile shooting of ‘Sexy Lady‘ is currently on and would be wrapped up in quick time so that the song is on air before the release of the film. Moreover, there won’t be much wait for the new edition of the music album of Race to arrive too. By first week of March, latest addition ‘Sexy Lady‘ is expected to be a part of the newer lots of Race that would be out on stands.
Jannat – Next for Emraan Hashmi March 2, 2008
Emraan Hashmi, ‘The Kissing Star’ has had a very average 2006 with only one film doing well. The actor had ‘Good Boy Bad Boy’, The Train’ that doomed at the box-office, but his ‘Awarapan’ worked in his favor and brought him critical acclaim.
Now the talented actor gets ready for his latest release, ‘Jannat’, which is yet again with Mukesh Bhatt and Mahesh Bhatt.
Here is an excerpt from the interview with the star..
Your film ‘Jannat’ has picked up a controversial theme related to the Match fixing scandals seen in cricket. Do you fear the Censor Board now?
I don’t think that Censors would have any objections to ‘Jannat’. We are not picking up people at all. We are talking about things which have actually happened, have been talked about and are generic in nature. Everyone knows to a good extent what really had transpired.
With the film having cricket as a backdrop, what part does a leading lady have to play?
See, the leading lady will surely have a place in the film because when one depicts the character graph of the male lead, then it is very essential to focus on the relationships he shared in his life too. So here arises the need for the leading lady. This is seen in all films, whatever genre of films you take! In this film too, new comer Sonal Chauhan, who plays the female lead has an important role to play in the protagonist’s journey in the quest for ‘Jannat’.
You have worked with two newcomers in the female lead, Sonal Chauhan and the director, Kunal Deshmukh. How was it to play the veteran there?
I am proud to see the way Kunal has worked on the film. He has got a love story imbibed well into the script even as the film has a basic wallpaper of cricket. Even though he is a debutant director, you hardly get a feel that he is handling a project for the first time. As actors, we got only positive vibes from him and the result is for all to see now.
Isn’t it ironic that last year, your best performance ever in ‘Awarapan’ wasn’t quite complimented by the eventual box office returns?
‘Awarapan’ was a larger than life character. After a film comes and goes, people can say different things about why it worked and why it didn’t. I guess what was apparent in ‘Awarapan’ was the gap between what you want to do and what your audience wants to see you do. Maybe people didn’t want me to display the emotions of a man who was going through a trauma. They perhaps still want to see the Emraan Hashmi they can relate to; the young man with a naughty streak to him a la ‘Aashiq Banaya Aapne’ or ‘Aksar’.
Joginder Tuteja – Sampurn Media
